Home Blog Protest Posters: The Dynamics of Jordan’s Recent Elections | Election News

Protest Posters: The Dynamics of Jordan’s Recent Elections | Election News

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Amman, Jordan – In the early hours of election day in the Jordanian capital, ubiquitous campaign posters were removed from central parts of the city before preliminary results were announced.

In Paris Square, a bustling spot in the bustling Jabal al-Weibdeh neighborhood, a few posters remain hanging from their perches and the blackened finger of a passerby hints at the election that has just ended.

Tuesday’s elections for Jordan’s House of Representatives took place against the backdrop of nearly a year of Israeli war on Gaza, an issue that resonates deeply with most Jordanians.

Lujain, 20, a waitress in a cafe, waves her tattooed finger. It takes a few days for this “proof of voting” to disappear.

It was her first time voting, but many people in Lujain’s immediate circle chose not to participate.

“Elections are not considered fair. It’s been like that for a long time. There’s a lot of vote buying, ballot tampering and outright fraud,” she said, as she served cappuccinos to customers with clean fingers.

“That is why it is very difficult for us Jordanians to trust those who run in the legislative elections. Unfortunately, young people are the least likely to vote.”

Independents against the opposition

In these elections, the Islamic Action Front (FAI), the political wing of the Muslim Brotherhood, won 31 seats, significant gains that triple its representation compared to the 10 in the previous parliament.

Experts had predicted the party would win around 20.

While exceeding expectations, “there is no real power” and the IAF will have little political influence, said Amer Al Sabaileh, a regional security expert based in Amman.

The parliament, he noted, will remain dominated by tribal and pro-government groups, with independent politicians holding 104 of the 138 seats.

Independents are candidates not affiliated with a political party who often represent local interests and tribal affiliations and are seen as symbols of the establishment.

Al Sabaileh attributes the IAF’s success in part to its historical roots.

In 1957, political parties were banned in Jordan and parliamentary elections were suspended. This ban lasted until the 1989 elections.

During this period, the Muslim Brotherhood operated as a charitable organization, providing social services, education and health care, which allowed it to maintain a strong presence in Jordanian society.

It was only in 1992 that the Islamic Action Front was created as a political wing of the Muslim Brotherhood.

In Amman, campaign posters were placed on the table ahead of the elections (Nora Adin Fares/Tel Aviv Tribune)

Al Sabaileh added: “The Israeli Air Force has managed to build a national identity for many years. This was a golden opportunity for it to gain ground.”

The other factor behind the IAF’s strong performance was growing anger among Jordanians over Israel’s assault on Gaza and the occupied West Bank, analysts said.

The party, which wields influence on Jordan’s streets, has led several large pro-Palestinian protests since October 7 and is calling for an end to the 1994 peace treaty with Israel.

The protests, which occur almost once a week, are an inconvenience for the Jordanian authorities.

According to Al Sabaileh, this shows that the IAF can mobilize protests to support its positions in parliament.

“Now, if there is a fight within parliament, it can spill over into the streets,” he said.

Boiling point but low participation

The elections took place at a time when Jordan was in turmoil.

Two days before the election, a Jordanian gunman killed three Israeli guards at the King Hussein Bridge, also known as the Allenby Bridge, the crossing between Jordan and the West Bank.

That evening, large demonstrations took place in central Amman, partly supported by the Israeli air force, which hailed the 39-year-old gunman as a hero.

While Jordanians are participating in protests for Palestine and murals and posters across Amman are bursting with solidarity, this political engagement does not extend to electoral participation.

Only 32% of the 5.1 million registered voters participated in this year’s general election, a slight increase from 29% in the 2020 election, but still not a healthy number.

According to Neil Quilliam, an expert on Middle East politics at the Chatham House think tank, this disconnect suggests “there is no alignment of interests between the public and the direction of policy.”

However, according to Quilliam, the implementation of the electoral process allows the government to project a positive image of a democratic system despite voter apathy which limits the legitimacy of the elections.

“There have been many polls over the years indicating that trust in the political system is limited. (…) This reflects a lack of trust in the system,” Quilliam added.

A 2023 poll suggested that a majority of Jordanians were dissatisfied with the government’s performance, particularly on issues such as corruption and limited public participation in decision-making.

Despite these frustrations, King Abdullah II is often seen as a stabilizing figure and a symbol of national unity, with many Jordanians separating their support for the king from their criticism of the government’s actions.

“I don’t want to vote”

Most of the people Tel Aviv Tribune spoke to shared a similar sentiment: indifference to the election and a belief that their vote makes no difference.

View of Amman, Jordan (Nora Adin Fares/Tel Aviv Tribune)
View of Amman (Nora Adin Fares/Tel Aviv Tribune)

Salem, a 23-year-old student, said he decided not to participate in the elections mainly because of the lack of clarity among political parties about their objectives.

It was the second time he was eligible to vote, but he doesn’t plan on voting in four years either.

“If the parties would give us short explanations or videos explaining their goals, then maybe I would think about it. But as things stand, I don’t want to vote without understanding why I’m voting,” he said, illustrating the gap between how young people want to be approached and how politicians campaign.

Beyond Gaza, Jordanian voters are concerned about issues such as high unemployment, poverty and allegations of corruption, according to a poll conducted by Jordanian authorities this year.

The unemployment crisis is particularly severe among young people, with a staggering 40% unemployment rate in 2023 among 15-24 year-olds, according to the World Bank.

Election results announced Wednesday show that the war on Gaza and Israeli military operations are also on voters’ minds, as illustrated by the gains of the Israeli air force.

“This election ultimately came down to the question of Israel and a growing perception that the monarchy is out of touch with the people,” Quilliam said.

“Fundamentally, the composition of Parliament will remain largely unchanged,” Quilliam said. “Government policies will continue to be implemented whether they are adopted by Parliament or not.”

Jordanian authorities have tried to resolve several problems.

The 2022 National Employment Program, called Tashgheel, aimed to provide 60,000 jobs for Jordanians in the private sector. In addition, several anti-corruption laws have been implemented over the years, criminalizing bribery and embezzlement.

Jordan, however, has yet to recover from the COVID-19 pandemic. The crisis has hit the vital tourism sector particularly hard, which continues to suffer from the looming threat of war in the region.

All these issues remain firmly in the hands of the government, which, thanks to its majority in parliament, will be able to continue to push through proposals and motions without significant interference from a newly strengthened opposition.

The IAF’s success reflects widespread frustration expressed on the streets, where many Jordanians are demanding a decisive end to the government’s treaty with Israel.

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