In the coming days, the government of the United Kingdom advances the steam to proscribe action in Palestine – a movement of young people with a conscience – as a terrorist group. Some of its members are already behind bars; Others face trials or await conviction. However, despite the “terrorist” label and the threat of imprisonment, tens of thousands of people across the country have descended in the streets while singing, “we are all actions in Palestine”.
If the government’s objective was to intimidate people in silence – to ensure British complicity in the genocide, it is not cheerful – it has seriously calculated. A recent survey revealed that 55% of British are against the War of Israel against Gaza. A significant number of these opponents – 82% – said that Israel’s shares represent the genocide. Something fundamental changes. There is a gaping disconnection between the account of the media and the views of ordinary people, which reject the ministerial spin and the framing of resistance to tyranny and fascism as terrorism.
Like the provocative youth of the Palestine action, I too have been qualified as a terrorist. In 1981, I was a member of the United Black Youth League. We knew that the construction of petrol bombs was legally “erroneous”, but we believe in our right to defend our community – even by armed means – against fascist threats in Bradford. Arrested alongside 11 others, I faced accusations of terrorism bearing perpetuity in what has become known as the Bradford case 12.
While our struggle was against local fascists, the fight of Palestine Action is noble: to exhibit and interrupt a genocide in Palestine, produced by the neo-fascist regime of Israel with British support. And unlike us, they didn’t take arms. When we have built raw weapons in self -defense against immediate violence, action in Palestine has used only non -violent direct action – war paint planes, occupying factories and disturbing business as usual – to face British complicity in genocide. I recognize their rage – I became hoarse by shouting myself on the genocide. How many burning children should we see to find out that it is bad? How many hungry families should be killed to support an apartheid state?
The pain is clearer knowing that the weapons that murdered Palestinians are made in Great Britain. It is worse to look at the hypocritical politicians twisting the words – by Keir Starmer justifying the genocide very early, to hide now behind hollow sentences like “the right of Israel to defend himself”. But as the United Nations Special Rapporteur in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, Francesca Albanese and many others have said on several occasions: “Israel is not allowed to defend themselves against those he occupies.”
If the British government succeeds, anyone associated with the action of Palestine will be called “terrorist”. During the Bradford 12 test, we were painted in the same way. Like activists of Palestine’s action, we had, in our time, fought for a fairer and more equitable world.
The action of Palestine emerged from the failure of endless manifestations demanding the end of endless wars and justice for Palestine. As they declare: “Palestine action is a movement of direct action determined to end world participation in the genocidal and apartheid regime of Israel. Using disturbing tactics, we target the catalysts of the Israeli military-industrial complex, which allows them to enjoy Palestinian oppression. ”
We, the Bradford 12, were born from the failure of the police to protect us against fascist violence. We have taken over armed defense in an organized community defense. Doing nothing would have been the biggest crime. Likewise, British complicity in genocide requires an action. The disturbance of the war machine is not criminal; It is a moral necessity.
During our 1982 trial at Leeds Crown Court, tens of thousands of people mobilized to demand our acquittal. They saw through the lies of the state – they knew that condemning us would release the repression against the movements of young people, the unions and anyone fighting for justice. The jury was confronted with a central question: what kind of people do you want to live if you pay these men? I testified that, confronted with the same threats, we would do everything. This question resonates today; If the action of Palestine is criminalized, we risk slipping into a world without law where genocide becomes the norm, not the exception.
We were acquitted, establishing a legal precedent for the self -defense of the armed community. Action in Palestine does not need a precedent to justify its cause, because its actions are already based on legality, morality and non-violence. It is not a threat – it is a moral compass. The United Kingdom must follow it, not prohibit it.
The opinions expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the editorial position of Tel Aviv Tribune.