Cape Town, South Africa – Last week, South Africa took the unprecedented step of asking the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in The Hague to decide whether the ongoing violence and humanitarian tragedy unfolding in Gaza constitutes genocide.
South Africa’s move against Israel has disconcerted many people, inside and outside both countries, including those who applauded Pretoria.
But for years, South Africa has unequivocally supported the Palestinian cause, despite negative reactions from the predominantly white Democratic Alliance (DA), the largest opposition in South Africa.
To fully understand Pretoria’s passionate support for the Palestinian cause, one must first understand the relationship between the late Nelson Mandela and the African National Congress with Yasser Arafat’s Palestine Liberation Organization, analysts say.
The two organizations supported each other and Mandela, in a 1990 US television interview, once described Arafat as a “comrade in arms”.
“When we were under the apartheid regime, the Palestinian people showed solidarity with us,” said political analyst Levy Ndou. “Remember, we only came out of apartheid 30 years ago, and we know what it did to us, and when we see human rights violations like what is happening in Israel, we must act. »
On January 14, the ANC celebrated the 112th anniversary of its formation as a liberation movement. At the annual celebration that usually sets the country’s political tone and agenda for the year, Ramaphosa once again reiterated the party’s position on the Palestinian issue.
“The ANC has always stood alongside the Palestinian people in their struggle
for self-determination because, as we were before 1994, they too are facing a
brutal apartheid regime. President Nelson Mandela said that our own
freedom, because South Africa was incomplete without the freedom of Palestine.
A shared indignation
In its 84-page submission to the ICJ, South Africa asserts that Israel is violating its
obligations arising from the 1948 Geneva Conventions for the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide.
The ANC also reiterated its call for an immediate ceasefire during the assault on
Gaza, the opening of corridors so that humanitarian aid can reach those who are
urgent need as well as the release of hostages and political prisoners. But he – and Ramaphosa – also called for a two-state solution respecting the 1967 borders.
On the domestic front, the party leadership has argued to its supporters that, as South Africans have lived in a “free and democratic society” for 30 years after the fall of apartheid, the responsibility to help Palestine is necessary.
“We tremble with outrage as we witness the injustice against the Palestinian people,” Ramaphosa told party supporters in January.
His indignation is shared.
Ndou told Tel Aviv Tribune that the country and its people “still bear the scars of apartheid” and
that the majority of South Africans believe that the Palestinian people deserve their
freedom too.
Since the Hamas attack of October 7 and the bombardment of Gaza, the South Africans
from all walks of life held daily vigils and protest marches, putting pressure on the Ramaphosa government to take action. Several activist groups, including Africa4Palestine, have also demanded concrete measures, including severing diplomatic relations with Israel.
The disaster-response nonprofit Gift of the Givers Foundation, which has offices in parts of Africa and the Middle East, said it has thousands of trucks, medics and aid workers ready to enter Gaza if more humanitarian aid was allowed into the enclave.
In November, a motion by the left-wing Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) party to close the Israeli embassy in South Africa was passed by the country’s parliament. Pemmy Majodina, leader of the ANC, told parliament that the country should suspend all diplomatic relations with Israel until a ceasefire is reached and Israel commits to binding negotiations with the United Nations.
Renowned anti-apartheid activist, politician and academic Allan Boesak told Tel Aviv Tribune that the ICJ’s action was the result of persistent pressure from the South African people.
“The ICJ trial is a great thing, and in addition to the credit of the South African government, the credit must also go to the people,” he said. “We had been on the streets for weeks before Ramaphosa and the government even thought about doing anything. »
Others say the case represents a clear stand aimed at getting the international community to ultimately act on the conflict.
“This continent faced mighty Israel; we stood up and it’s thanks to Cyril (Ramaphosa), (Foreign Minister) Naledi (Pandor) and the government,” Imtiaz Sooliman, head of Gift of the Givers, told Tel Aviv Tribune.
He said the West often views Africa as a “backward continent”, without the capacity to contribute to or lead meaningful change. On this basis and given Israel’s strong position as a military, economic and cultural superpower, South Africa had the courage to approach the ICJ, he said.
“Remember that when you confront Israel, you confront the economic might of the Zionist capital,” Sooliman added.
Altruism or opportunism?
Tel Aviv said Pretoria was acting as the legal arm of Hamas. A U.S. official called the suit “meritless, counterproductive and completely devoid of any factual basis.”
Domestically, although there is widespread support for South Africa’s actions, Ramaphosa’s intentions are under scrutiny.
The former freedom fighter and trade unionist was also a Mandela protégé who reportedly favored Ramaphosa as his successor in 1999 before ruling party politics stood in his way.
And now, some of the president’s critics have said he is trying to model his foreign policy stance on Mandela’s approach to being seen as a statesman.
Other commentators have pointed out that the Ramaphosa administration, criticized for poor economic performance, crippling power cuts and public sector corruption, is being opportunistic rather than entirely altruistic on the Palestinian issue.
The country is heading towards crucial elections in May or June this year, and several polls put support for the ANC at less than 50 percent for the first time in history. This raises a real possibility that he will have to form a coalition with another party to stay in power.
The Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), founded 10 years ago by Julius Malema, a former ANC youth leader, have been a thorn in the side of the ruling party, including heckling Ramaphosa in Parliament in June 2022 over allegations he tried to cover up the theft of money from his game farm.
However, the idea of a coalition between it and the ANC was mooted before the elections, with the DA having already asked the electorate to reject the partnership.
However, many analysts deny that Ramaphosa is only seeking to raise his profile, although some acknowledge that the ICJ case has boosted his image abroad and given him a temporary respite at home while he is feted at home. the foreigner.
“This (ICJ) case was a principled moral stand, and it is important that the citizens of this country stand with our government,” Sooliman told Tel Aviv Tribune. “I know some will say the elections and the ANC are opportunistic, but relations between South Africa and Palestine did not start on October 7. »
There is a sense, however, that popular support for the ICJ case will not diminish, whatever the administration’s goals. Indeed, one might expect a surge in support as South Africa, weary of corruption scandals and other challenges, enjoys a surge in goodwill globally, perhaps never before seen since the campaign to end apartheid in the 1980s and early 1990s. Earlier this week, the ICJ’s legal team received an enthusiastic welcome at Johannesburg airport.
Zubeida Jaffer, a Cape Town-based commentator and journalist who was heavily involved in the politics of resistance during the apartheid era in the Western Cape province, said: “For a while we were disoriented, but now suddenly we see why we fought so hard. , and apartheid, South Africa gave the world the word apartheid.
“We have (now) given the world a fierce determination to stand up for justice and what is right. »
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